The Spanish American War :: American America History

The Spanish American War Hi I'm doing my report on the Spanish American War. In the following pages I will be giving information on how and why the war started, major battles, and the results of the war. I will also include stories from people on the battleship Maine. Introduction The Spanish American War marked the emergence of the United States of America as a world power. The war which lasted only 10 weeks between April and August of 1898 took place over the liberation of Cuba. In the course of the war the U.S. won Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippine Islands. A large aspect to the begining of the war was the explosion and sinking of the Maine on February 15 1898 at 9:30 PM in Havana Harbor. 260 American naval personnel where killed or wounded. The USS Maine was the second "second class" battle ship constructed for the U.S. Navy. It took almost nine years to complete three year took waiting for armor. The USS Maine was at the time the largest ship to be built in a U.S. Navy yard. The USS Maine arrived in the Havana harbor in Cuba on Jan. 24 of 1898. The USS Manie was sent to Cuba in response to a small protest by Spanish officers. The ship was under the command of Captian Charles Sigsbee. When the Manie sank there where 2 separate explosions ammunition continuted to explode for hours after the blast. Some people say that the Maine was torpedoed or blown up with under water explosives by the Spanish Navy, others say that the 896 ton capacity coal bunker exploded but most people at the time said that the ship was torpedoed and blamed Spain for the sinking of the ship. After the disaster an official court of inquiry was held to determine the cause of the blast. The Navy said that the ship was sunk by a water mine, but stated that it could not fix responsibility on any single person or persons. Declaration of war At the time of the sinking of the Maine U.S. President William Mckinley was in office. Pres. Mckinley had hoped to avoid going to war with Spain but along with thousands of other Americans was swept up in the feeling to support war. In 1898 Pres. mckinley asked to declare war on Spain. The war begins At the begining of the war there were almost 200,000 Spanish troops located in Cuba.

Managing Organisational Change

International Journal of Public Sector Management Emerald Article: Managing organisational change in the public sector Lessons from the privatisation of the Property Service Agency Ron Coram, Bernard Burnes Article information: To cite this document: Ron Coram, Bernard Burnes, (2001),†Managing organisational change in the public sector – Lessons from the privatisation of the Property Service Agency†, International Journal of Public Sector Management, Vol. 14 Iss: 2 pp. 94 – 110 Permanent link to this document: http://dx. doi. org/10. 108/09513550110387381 Downloaded on: 17-01-2013 References: This document contains references to 56 other documents Citations: This document has been cited by 14 other documents To copy this document: [email  protected] com This document has been downloaded 4884 times since 2005. * Users who downloaded this Article also downloaded: * Ron Coram, Bernard Burnes, (2001),†Managing organisational change in the public sector à ¢â‚¬â€œ Lessons from the privatisation of the Property Service Agency†, International Journal of Public Sector Management, Vol. 4 Iss: 2 pp. 94 – 110 http://dx. doi. org/10. 1108/09513550110387381 Ron Coram, Bernard Burnes, (2001),†Managing organisational change in the public sector – Lessons from the privatisation of the Property Service Agency†, International Journal of Public Sector Management, Vol. 14 Iss: 2 pp. 94 – 110 http://dx. doi. org/10. 1108/09513550110387381 Ron Coram, Bernard Burnes, (2001),†Managing organisational change in the public sector – Lessons from the privatisation of the Property Service Agency†, International Journal of Public Sector Management, Vol. 4 Iss: 2 pp. 94 – 110 http://dx. doi. org/10. 1108/09513550110387381 Access to this document was granted through an Emerald subscription provided by Edinburgh Napier University For Authors: If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for Authors service. Information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines are available for all. Please visit www. emeraldinsight. com/authors for more information. About Emerald www. emeraldinsight. om With over forty years' experience, Emerald Group Publishing is a leading independent publisher of global research with impact in business, society, public policy and education. In total, Emerald publishes over 275 journals and more than 130 book series, as well as an extensive range of online products and services. Emerald is both COUNTER 3 and TRANSFER compliant. The organization is a partner of the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) and also works with Portico and the LOCKSS initiative for digital archive preservation. *Related content and download information correct at time of download.The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at http://www. emerald-library. com/ft IJPSM 1 4,2 94 Lessons from the privatisation of the Property Service Agency Manchester School of Management, UMIST, Manchester, UK Keywords Organizational change, Public sector management, Privatization, Government agencies, Public authority assets Abstract Whilst organisational change appears to be happening with increasing frequency and magnitude in both the public and private sectors, most of the major studies of change focus on the private sector and tend to derive their approaches to change from that sector.From a review of the literature, it is argued that there is no â€Å"one best way† to manage organisational change but that public sector organisations need to adopt an approach to change which matches their needs and situation. The article examines the privatisation of the Property Services Agency (PSA) in order to draw lessons as to how the public sector can and should manage change. It is shown that the privatisation was characterised by a lack of clarity, an over-emphasi s on changes to structures and procedures, and staff resistance.However, underpinning this was an inappropriate approach to change. The article concludes that the main lessons of the PSA's privatisation are that, in such circumstances, it is necessary to adopt an approach to change which incorporates both the structural and cultural aspects of change, and which recognises the need to appreciate and respond to staff fears and concerns. Managing organisational change in the public sector Ron Coram and Bernard Burnes The International Journal of Public Sector Management, Vol. 14 No. 2, 2001, pp. 94-110. MCB University Press, 0951-3558 Introduction From Kurt Lewin's work in the 1940s to the present day, organisational change, as a systematic process, has moved from being a topic of interest to only a few academics and practitioners to one that is seen as lying at the core of organisational life (Senior, 1997; Stickland, 1998). However, whilst organisational change appears to be happenin g with increasing frequency and magnitude in both the public and private sectors, most of the major studies of and approaches to change  ± with some notable exceptions (e. g.Pettigrew et al. , 1992)  ± focus on the private sector and tend to derive their approaches to change from that sector (e. g. Kanter et al. , 1992; Kotter, 1996; Mabey and Mayon-White, 1993; Pettigrew, 1985; Smith, 1997). Not only does this underplay the enormous changes which have taken place and are continuing to take place in the public sector, but it also ignores the need to develop approaches to change which are in tune with the circumstances in which public service organisations now find themselves (Flynn and Williams, 1997; Salauroo and Burnes, 1998).Though there have been some well-publicised examples of public sector change projects which have gone badly wrong (Brindle, 1999), there is no evidence to show that public sector managers are, inherently, any less capable of managing change than their pri vate sector counterparts (Ferlie et al. , 1996). However, the challenges they face are different from those of their private sector counterparts, especially in terms of public accountability, demonstrating value for money, and in meeting the increasing expectations, regarding service levels and quality, of both the general public and politicians.Over the last 20 years, one of the most significant challenges that public sector managers have had to cope with, and one which has taken them into unknown territory, has been that the boundary between the public and private sector has become increasingly hazy (Crouch and Streeck, 1997; Flynn, 1993). In the UK, which has tended to be at the forefront of these developments, some public services, or parts of them, have been and are being put out to private tender (e. g. he management of some schools and local education authorities); in other cases, public bodies have been turned into quasi-independent organisations (e. g. the Benefits Agency); and, in other instances, some organisations have been and are being privatised in their entirety (e. g. public utilities). All these forms of organisational change throw up their own dilemmas and challenges, and they all require an approach to change which is appropriate to the circumstances involved. However, as Dunphy and Stace (1993) argued, there is no one approach which is suitable for all circumstances and objectives.This article examines one particular and major form of organisational change which continues to have a large impact on the public sector: privatisation. It focuses upon the Property Services Agency (PSA) which, until its privatisation in the early 1990s, was responsible for the construction, maintenance and management of all the UK government's buildings and property. By presenting a case study of the privatisation of the PSA, the article seeks to draws lessons as to how the public sector can and should manage change.The article begins by reviewing the literature on change management. In particular, it draws attention to the need to recognise that there is no â€Å"one best way† to manage organisational change. This is followed by a description of the background to our research on the PSA, and the presentation of the case study itself. As the subsequent discussion section shows, the privatisation of the PSA was characterised by a lack of clarity, an over-emphasis on changes to structures and procedures, and staff resistance.Underpinning this was an inappropriate approach to change. In conclusion, the article argues that the main lessons of the PSA's privatisation are that, in such circumstances, there is a need to adopt an approach to change which balances the structural and cultural aspects of change, especially the need to appreciate and respond to staff fears and concerns. Approaches to change management As Stickland (1998, p. 14) remarks: F F Fthe problem with studying change is that it parades across many subject domains under u merous guises, such as transformation, development, metamorphosis, transmutation, evolution, regeneration, innovation, revolution and transition to name but a few. Organisational change in the public sector 95 IJPSM 14,2 96 Especially over the last 20 years or so, as the pace and magnitude of organisational change appears to have accelerated, there has been a significant increase in the number of approaches to change management on offer (see Buchanan and Boddy, 1992; Buchanan and Storey, 1997; Burnes, 2000; Cummings and Worley, 1997; Dawson, 1994; Kanter et al. 1992; Pettigrew et al. , 1992; Senior, 1997; Stace and Dunphy, 1994; Stickland, 1998; Wilson, 1992). Nevertheless, most writers tend to fall into one of two broad camps: those who support the Planned approach to change and those who espouse the Emergent approach. The Planned approach originated in the 1940s from the work of Kurt Lewin (Lewin, 1947). Subsequently, it was adopted by, and became the central focus of, the Organiz ation Development (OD) movement (French and Bell, 1995).However, in the 1980s, as a result of increasing criticism of the Planned approach, the Emergent approach to change came to the fore. Its proponents argued that the Emergent approach was more suitable for the dynamic and unpredictable conditions faced by organisations in the late twentieth century. The following briefly examines, and attempts to put into perspective, both these approaches to change in order to prepare the ground for presenting and discussing the privatisation of the PSA.Planned change: summary and criticisms Planned change is an iterative, cyclical, process involving diagnosis, action and evaluation, and further action and evaluation. It is an approach which maintains that once change has taken place, it must be self-sustaining (i. e. safe from regression). The purpose of Planned change is to improve the effectiveness of the human side of the organisation by focusing on the performance of groups and teams. Cent ral to Planned change is the stress placed on the collaborative nature of the hange effort: the organisation, managers, recipients of change and change agents jointly diagnose the organisation's problem and jointly plan and design the specific changes. Underpinning Planned change, and indeed the origins of the OD movement as a whole, is a strong humanist and democratic orientation and an emphasis on improving organisational effectiveness. The main criticisms levelled against the Planned approach to change are, as Burnes and Salauroo (1995) point out, as follows.First, Planned change was developed specifically for, and in response to, topdown, autocratic, rigid, rule-based organisations operating in a somewhat predictable and controlled environment. However, an increasing number of writers argue that, in the turbulent and chaotic world in which we live, such assumptions are increasingly tenuous and that organisational change is more a continuous and open-ended process than a set of d iscrete and self-contained events (Garvin, 1993; Hatch, 1997; Nonaka, 1988; Peters, 1989; Stacey, 1993; Wooten and White, 1999).Second, and on a similar note, a number of writers have criticised the Planned approach for its emphasis on incremental and isolated change, and its inability to incorporate radical, transformational change (Dunphy and Stace, 1993; Harris, 1985; Miller and Friesen, 1984; Schein, 1985). Third, Planned change is based on the assumption that common agreement can be reached, and that all the parties involved in a particular change project have a willingness and interest in doing so.This assumption appears to ignore organisational conflict and politics, or at least assumes that problem issues can be easily identified and resolved. However, as Pfeffer (1981; 1992) showed, conflict and personal and group self-interest do play an important role in what changes take place and who benefits from them. Fourth, it assumes that one type of approach to change is suitable for all organisations, all situations and all times. Dunphy and Stace (1993, p. 905), on the other hand, argue that: Turbulent times demand different responses in varied circumstances.So managers and consultants need a model of change that is essentially a â€Å"situational† or â€Å"contingency model†, one that indicates how to vary change strategies to achieve â€Å"optimum fit† with the changing environment. Organisational change in the public sector 97 Leading OD advocates, as might be expected, dispute these criticisms and point to the way that Planned change has tried to incorporate issues such as power and politics and the need for organisational transformation (Cummings and Worley, 1997; French and Bell, 1995).Nevertheless, as criticisms of the Planned approach mounted, supporters of the Emergent approach gained ground. Emergent change: summary and criticisms There are many writers who have contributed to the development of the Emergent approach, notably Dawson (1994), Kanter et al. (1992), Kotter (1996), Pettigrew (1985) and Wilson (1992). Unlike the supporters of the Planned approach, the main proponents of the Emergent approach are a much more diverse group who are separated by both geographic and disciplinary divides. Nevertheless, they would, more or less, agree that the main tenets of Emergent change are as follows: .Organisational change is a continuous process of experiment and adaptation aimed at matching an organisation's capabilities to the needs and dictates of a dynamic and uncertain environment. . Though this is best achieved through a multitude of (mainly) small- to medium-scale incremental changes, over time these can lead to a major re-configuration and transformation of an organisation. . Change is a multi-level, cross-organisation process that unfolds in an iterative and messy fashion over a period of years and comprises a series of interlocking projects. . Change is a political-social process and not an analytic al-rational one. The role of managers is not to plan or implement change per se, but to create or foster an organisational structure and climate which encourages and sustains experimentation, learning and risk-taking, and IJPSM 14,2 . 98 . to develop a workforce that will take responsibility for identifying the need for change and implementing it. Although managers are expected to become facilitators rather than doers, they also have the prime responsibility for developing a collective vision or common purpose which gives direction to their organisation, and within which the appropriateness of any proposed change can be judged.The key organisational activities which allow these elements to operate successfully are: information-gathering  ± about the external environment and internal objectives and capabilities; communication  ± the transmission, analysis and discussion of information; and learning  ± the ability to develop new skills, identify appropriate responses and draw kn owledge from their own and others' past and present actions. Though not always stated explicitly, the case for an Emergent approach to change is based on the assumption that all organisations operate in a turbulent, dynamic and unpredictable environment.Therefore, if the external world is changing in a rapid and uncertain way, organisations need to be continuously scanning their environment in order to identify developments and respond appropriately. Though ultimately leading to organisational transformation, to be successful, it is argued, change needs to emerge locally and incrementally in order to respond to threats and opportunities thrown up by environmental instability. Because this is a continuous, open-ended and bottom-up process, the Planned approach to change is inappropriate.This leads to the first of three major criticisms of the Emergent approach: it is specifically founded on the assumption that all organisations operate in a dynamic environment which requires continuo us transformation. It is, by its own definition, not applicable to organisations operating in stable environments where fine-tuning is the order of the day, or those whose circumstances require major changes through the use of rapid and coercive measures.The second criticism relates to the difference between these two approaches. The Planned approach is attacked because of its advocacy of â€Å"Refreezing† organisations after they have been changed (Kanter et al. , 1992). However, if one examines the process of change advocated by, for example, Dawson (1994), Kotter (1996) and Pettigrew et al. (1992), though they argue to the contrary, they do speak of change as a â€Å"transition† process which does have a beginning, middle and end. Indeed, as Hendry (1996, p. 24) comments: Scratch any account of creating and managing change and the idea that change is a threestage process which necessarily begins with a process of unfreezing will not be far below the surface. The fin al criticism concerns the emphasis that advocates of the Emergent approach place on the political and cultural aspects of change. Though undoubtedly politics and culture do play a role in the change process, a number of writers have begun to criticise what they regard as the overemphasis placed on these aspects of change. Hendry (1996, p. 21), for example, argues that: â€Å"The management of change has become F F F overfocused on the political aspects of change†, whilst Collins (1998, p. 100), voicing concerns of his own and of other researchers, argues that: F F F in reacting to the problems and critiques of [the Planned approach], managers and practitioners have swung from a dependence on under-socialized models and explanations of change and instead have become committed to the arguments of, what might be called, oversocialized models of change. Organisational change in the public sector 99Therefore, though it has apparent advantages over the Planned approach, or rather i t is applicable to situations for which Planned change is not suitable, an examination of the Emergent approach reveals that it not free from serious criticism. Putting change into perspective In examining the Planned and Emergent approaches to change, what we can see is that they focus on different aspects of organisations and are applicable to different situations. The Planned approach is primarily aimed at improving group effectiveness, tends to have a top-down orientation and is most suitable for stable environments.The Emergent approach, on the other hand, tends to focus on organisational transformation through continuous change and seems more suited to turbulent environments. This means that, despite their other strengths and weaknesses, both are essentially situational approaches: suitable only for particular situations. In addition, it is also clear that, even taken together, the two approaches do not cover all the broad spectrum of change events which organisations encounte r. Senior (1997), for example, rawing on the work of Grundy (1993), identifies three categories of change: â€Å"smooth incremental†  ± covering slow, systematic, evolutionary change; â€Å"bumpy incremental†  ± pertaining to periods where the smooth flow of change accelerates; and â€Å"discontinuous change†. Cummings and Worley (1997) identify a continuum running from incremental change to quantum change. Dunphy and Stace (1992), in a similar but more detailed way, identify a four-stage change continuum that comprises: fine-tuning, incremental adjustment, modular transformation and corporate transformation.Storey (1992) offers a four-fold typology of change: (1) Top-down systemic change. This is aimed at transforming the organisation. (2) Piecemeal initiatives. These are devised and implemented by departments or sections in an unconnected fashion. (3) Bargaining for change. This is where a series of targets are jointly agreed between managers and workers, but are pursued in a piecemeal fashion. (4) Systemic jointism. This is where managers and workers agree a total package of changes designed to achieve organisational transformation.IJPSM 14,2 100 Kanter et al. (1992), addressing the issue of transformational change, have noted that it can be achieved either by a Bold Stroke approach (rapid overall change) or a Long March approach (incremental change leading to transformation over an extended period of time). In a similar vein, Beer and Nohria (2000) make an interesting contribution to the change debate. Based on over 40 years of studying the nature of corporate change, they identify two basic archetypes, or theories of change: Theory E and Theory O.The main objective of Theory E change is to maximise shareholder value. It is applied in situations where an organisation's performance has diminished to such an extent that its main shareholders demand major and rapid change to improve the organisation's financial performance. Typically this is a â€Å"hard† approach based on downsizing, divestment of non-core or low-performing businesses, and the heavy use of financial incentives. Theory O, on the other hand, is also aimed at improving an organisation's performance but his is more a â€Å"soft† approach which is based on developing the organisation's culture and its human capabilities, and promoting organisational learning. Beer and Nohria (2000) believe that both of these are valid models of change but that both have their flaws. Theory E can achieve short-term financial gains but at the cost of denuding an organisation of the human capabilities and organisational culture necessary for long-term survival. Theory O, whilst focusing on these, falls into the trap of not restructuring to concentrate on core activities, thus failing to deliver shareholder value.To achieve the gains of both these approaches, whilst avoiding the pitfalls, Beer and Nohria advocate using these in tandem by focusing on the ra pid restructuring elements of Theory E but following this with the human capability development offered by Theory O. Although similar to Kanter et al. ‘s (1992) â€Å"Bold Strokes† and â€Å"Long March†, this idea goes beyond most other writers by pointing out that it is possible and sometimes necessary to combine approaches to change, rather than arguing for some sort of universal approach.In concluding this review of the literature on organisational change, three issues need to be emphasised, which are as follows: (1) There are a wide variety of approaches to change, though some tend to be more popular than others. (2) As Burnes (1996) argues, there is no â€Å"one best way† to manage change. All the approaches on offer appear to be situational, i. e. limited in terms of the circumstances in which they are effective. Therefore, managers need to choose an approach which is suitable for their situation rather than assuming that what worked in the past will also work in the future. 3) In some situations, it may be necessary to combine, either concurrently or sequentially, different approaches to change. Having identified the main issues with regard to the literature on change, we can now proceed to examine how the PSA managed change in practice. This will commence with a brief description of the background to our research, and the methods employed. Background and methods This article is based on research carried out between 1995 and 1998 by the authors into the process and consequences of the privatisation of the Property Services Agency.The research had two main objectives: (1) To identify the reasons for, and the process of, the privatisation of the PSA. (2) Post-privatisation, to examine the impact of the new arrangements on relations between government departments and the newly-privatised PSA. As mentioned in the Introduction, this article is concerned with the first objective, the process of privatisation. For a review of the imp act of privatisation on relations between government departments and the privatised PSA, see Burnes and Coram (1999).Looking at the design of the research and the methods used to study the changes at the PSA, the aim of the research was to construct a mainly qualitative case study of what took place. This was based on principles and methods of research advocated by writers such as Denzin and Lincoln (1998), Robson (1993) and Yin (1994). Though documentary evidence was collected, such as press reports, extracts from parliamentary debates, internal PSA documents and the National Audit Office reports into the sale of the PSA (NAO, 1995; 1996), the main source of data came from interviews with those most closely involved with the process.These fell into five groups: (1) Senior civil servants within the responsible for managing and privatising the PSA. (2) Senior civil servants responsible for managing and procuring property and property services for government departments. (3) Senior ci vil servants in the bodies responsible for advising departments on purchasing policy. (4) Directors and operational staff in the privatised companies, the majority of whom were former PSA employees. (5) The Civil Service trade unions involved in the privatisation negotiations.In total, some 50 individuals were interviewed. The interviews were taperecorded and transcripts sent to the interviewees for checking and correction. In addition, a draft of the final report of the research was sent to the interviewees for comment. These data formed the basis of the following description of the privatisation process. Organisational change in the public sector 101 IJPSM 14,2 102 The privatisation of the Property Services Agency (PSA) Background The origins of the PSA can be traced to 1962 when the Ministry of PublicBuildings and Works was made responsible for maintaining all the UK government's civil buildings. A year later, the Ministry was merged with the Works Directorates of the Admiralty, War Office and Air Ministry. The merger increased the Ministry's workforce to over 60,000. With the creation of the Department of the Environment (DoE) in 1970, it was decided that the responsibility for construction and maintenance services should become the responsibility of a separate agency and thus the Property Services Agency was born.Its role was to: F F F provide, manage, maintain, and furnish the property used by the government, including defence establishments, offices, courts, research laboratories, training centres and land (PSA, 1988, inside cover). In the 1960s and 1970s, few questioned whether or not such activities were best carried out by the public sector, but in the 1980s the tide of opinion began to turn (Crouch and Streeck, 1997). Claims of bureaucratic inefficiency and waste in the UK public services were nothing new (Chapman, 1978; Fulton, 1968; Plowden, 1961).However, what was new, with the election of Margaret Thatcher as Prime Minister in 1979, was that tac kling â€Å"bloated, wasteful, overbureaucratic, and underperforming† public services became the centrepiece of government policy (Ferlie et al. , 1996, p. 11). Subsequently, successive Conservative governments attempted to deliver better value for money in public services through measures such as privatisation, outsourcing and compulsory competitive tendering (Flynn, 1993; Horton, 1996).Not surprisingly, given its size and importance, but most of all given the fact that it seemed to be carrying out a role that in other sectors of the economy was carried out by the private sector, the PSA became a prime target for reform. The process of privatisation In retrospect, it is possible to see that the process of privatising the PSA went through six key stages and began well in advance of the actual announcement that it was to be privatised: . Stage 1.In order to increase the commercial efficiency of the PSA, in 1986 the government appointed the consultancy firm Deloitte to develop and introduce new accounting and management information systems. These new systems were designed to allow the PSA to operate along private sector lines and to abandon public sector practices which were seen as uncommercial. . Stage 2. In 1987, it was announced that, from April 1988, civilian departments of government could take responsibility for commissioning their own construction projects with a value of over ? 150,000.The Ministry of Defence was allowed to follow suit in April 1990. In effect, . . . . this meant that the PSA was going to have to bid alongside private sector companies for government work. Stage 3. In 1988, the Secretary of State for the Environment announced that the PSA would in future operate on a commercial basis. This is to say that its income, and indeed its survival, would depend on gaining work from government departments in the face of private sector competition. To facilitate this, the PSA was restructured into a number of separate business functions.In addition, in order to promote a more commercial orientation, a Business Development Directorate was established within the PSA. The consultants Price Waterhouse were appointed to operate alongside the new Directorate to assist the PSA's commercial development by, among other things, training staff in business accounting, financial management, business planning, people management, customer care and marketing. Stage 4. In September 1989, the government announced that the PSA was to be privatised.In June 1990, the legislation necessary to enable this to take place was passed. Stage 5. In October 1990, in preparation for privatisation, the PSA was restructured into three main businesses: PSA Projects, PSA Building Management (which was eventually split into five separate companies), and PSA International (which, in the end, was closed down rather than sold). Stage 6. PSA Projects was privatised in 1992. This was followed in 1993 by the sale of the five companies which comprised PSA Buil ding Management. Organisational change in the public sector 103The above presents the privatisation of the PSA as a relatively straightforward and well-planned process. However, this is far from the reality of what happened. First, it must be recognised that most of the above actions were imposed on the PSA rather than arising from the decisions of its own management. Second, the six stages focused very much on changes to structures and procedures whilst paying little attention to the need for attitudinal, behavioural and cultural changes or, indeed, the reaction of the PSA's staff to the notion of privatisation.Finally, as the following will explain, the move to privatise the PSA was far slower and much messier than either the government or the PSA's management had allowed for. The pace of privatisation As the following quotation from a director of one of the privatised companies indicates, the privatisation of the PSA took longer, and was more difficult, than expected: The privati sation process was a very lengthy process.It was much longer than it was originally intended to be and meant that the natural unease and nervousness that occurs during such periods was prolonged. IJPSM 14,2 104 The main reasons for this slowness were twofold. Lack of strategic direction. At first, the PSA's Board appeared to treat privatisation as a standard public sector change programme which could be planned in advance, executed in a straightforward way with few unforeseen problems, and which staff would accept, even if they did not like it. However, this proved to be far from the case.The PSA's Board brought in a firm of consultants to help them to clarify the PSA's strategic direction but, as this remark by PSA's then Deputy Chief Executive demonstrates, the result seemed somewhat unfocused: For example, we did a lot of work on objectives. I don't think I can remember what we boiled it down to in the end, F F F something like: to preserve the maximum number of viable longterm j obs. Whatever the merits or not of the work the Board did, the middle and lower reaches of the PSA seemed more alarmed than consoled by developments.It was also the case that even where positive decisions were taken by the top, such as a commitment to provide retraining and outplacement support for staff, they found it difficult to put them into practice. One former PSA Director stated that: There were a few things like that [the training] where I think the best intentions at the top were weakened by people underneath, and I didn't know why. The difficulties faced by top management in developing a new strategy for the PSA and in pushing forward the pace of privatisation were threefold.The first was that though, as civil servants, they had been brought up in a stable environment which operated by well-understood rules, they found themselves having to transform the organisation into a commercial entity that could be successful whilst not understanding the nature of competition nor eve r feeling in control of the pace of change. The second was that, having been used to running a bureaucratic organisation with compliant staff, they found themselves attempting to construct a more flexible and entrepreneurial body with an increasingly disgruntled and worried workforce.The last was that, their actions were being dictated and judged by their political masters, whose sole concern appeared to be to privatise the PSA as quickly as possible, no matter what it cost or who was offended. Therefore, senior managers found themselves caught between the politicians' desire for speed and their staff's desire for job security, both of which clashed with their own cautious and ruledriven approach to change. Resistance by PSA employees. This was the second main reason for the slowness of the privatisation process.The majority of PSA employees did not want their organisation privatised. Not only did they value the stability and certainty that working for a government body gave them, b ut also most believed that the PSA had little chance of survival in the private sector. As one of their trade union officials put it: The implications of privatisation for staff, in respect of pensions, severance terms, general pay and conditions, were enormous. What happens if the organisation who took them over went bust at some later date?The result of this uncertainty and fear for their future was that staff sought to resist and delay privatisation. On an individual basis, many staff resisted by withholding information and slowing down the process wherever possible. For example, some staff basically gave up work and devoted all their time to searching for another job, whilst others fabricated rumours. There was also a general increase in union militancy. On a collective basis, the PSA staff trade union decided to oppose the privatisation.As one union official commented: F F F we felt and still feel that if you are providing a service for the public sector and using taxpayers' mo ney, that it's quite inappropriate to have this work carried out by organisations making a profit. Organisational change in the public sector 105 The official also went on to state that it was union policy to delay the privatisation: F F F the idea was that the longer it took, the longer people were in the public sector.There were issues about information, about negotiation over what the implications of the sale would be for staff, and obviously, from that point of view, the idea of slowing the process down wasn't one that we were objecting to. Eventually this resistance became overt and staff took industrial action, including working to rule and strikes. In a belated attempt to defuse staff opposition to privatisation, the government devised a staff choice scheme whereby PSA staff could choose to transfer fully to the privatised companies, to be seconded to them for a limited period, or to take early retirement.The staff choice scheme also protected employees' pension entitlements. Though this defused some of the opposition, it was not until after the 1992 General Election, when many people  ± mistakenly as it turned out  ± expected a change of government, that staff finally accepted the inevitability of privatisation. As can be seen, the PSA's privatisation was characterised overall by uncertainty, delay and a lack of any clear strategic direction (other than to privatise it). The entire process was driven by one unquestionable aim: privatisation.The process, cost and consequences of privatisation were all subordinate, and, in some senses, irrelevant to achieving that one aim. Though clear in itself, the aim provided no guidance as to how it was to be achieved nor, importantly, did it offer any direction for what was to take place afterwards. As for the PSA's strategy, instead of clarity and purpose, what developed was a stream of unplanned, ad hoc and muddled decisions made in reaction to events, rather than in anticipation of them.Discussion Though it is not the purpose of this article to evaluate the merits or otherwise of the decision to privatise the PSA, it is important to recognise that the wave of privatisation seen in the UK in the 1980s and 1990s was essentially based on a IJPSM 14,2 106 political belief that the private sector, driven by competitive pressures, was far better at delivering value-for-money services than the public sector (Crouch and Streeck, 1997; Ferlie et al. , 1996; Flynn, 1993).Consequently, the privatisation of the PSA, like other privatisations, was not driven by some form of rationaleconomic decision-making process, but by a political agenda aimed at transferring parts of the public sector to the private sector. Consequently, successive governments were less concerned with the process of change, or indeed its cost, than with ensuring that the transfer took place. It is not surprising, then, that the PSA's staff should have felt resentment and a sense of betrayal that, after many years of public serv ice, their careers and livelihoods were threatened by what appeared to them to be ideological dogma.This put the senior managers of the PSA in a situation for which they were ill-prepared and had little experience. They had to plan for, and get staff to comply with, a proposition for which they themselves seemed to have little sympathy and over which, in the final analysis, they felt they had little control. To achieve privatisation, they attempted to apply the sort of rational-planned approach to change which had worked for them when undertaking change in the past. But past changes had been undertaken within a relatively stable public sector environment, with a compliant workforce and with few potential losers.Unfortunately, the government's policy in this instance was driven by mainly ideology rather than rationality. It was designed to remove the PSA from the public sector, the workforce were afraid and hostile, rather than compliant, and there were a great number of potential lo sers. It was also the case that the senior echelons of the PSA appeared themselves to be apprehensive and lacking in support for the privatisation. Therefore, not surprisingly, senior managers found it difficult to devise and put their plans into practice when faced with an uncertain environment and a hostile staff.As time passed, three factors came to the fore which ensured that privatisation was completed: (1) In order to achieve its objective of privatising the PSA, the government eventually recognised it would need to be pragmatic as to how this was achieved and its cost. (2) The PSA management abandoned its planned approach to change and, basically, adopted a reactive and ad hoc approach to overcoming the barriers to privatisation  ± dealing with them as they arose and being prepared to be flexible in most aspects of the process. 3) After the 1992 General Election produced no change of government or policy, it became clear to staff that the privatisation of the PSA was inevit able. As can be seen, in terms of strategic change, this was an instance where there was a clear, though limited, objective, but no clear or consistent strategy for achieving it. It is highly debatable whether or not the privatisation of the PSA has produced any measurable benefits to the UK taxpayer. Certainly the government's own National Audit Commission (NAO, 1995; 1996) was critical of the cost and process of the PSA's privatisation.Also, whilst most organisations in the private sector appear convinced that closer, less hostile and longer-term working relationships between customers and suppliers are the way to achieve best value for money, this does not seem to be the case in terms of the public sector's relations with the privatised PSA or other companies in the construction industry (Burnes and Coram, 1999). As far as change management was concerned, what we can see is that the PSA's managers attempted to apply the sort of quick, top-down, mechanistic approach to change whic h had previously worked well in the relatively stable world of the public sector.However, the PSA was moving into unknown territory, the private sector, which was far more dynamic and unpredictable than it was used to. Also, it needed to achieve two forms of change at the same time: changes to structures, practices and procedures; and changes to attitudes, behaviour and culture. Whilst the traditional top-down public sector approach might be suitable to the former, provided the environment was relatively stable, it was not suitable to the latter, regardless of the nature of the environment.This meant that the PSA's leaders were attempting to take their staff into unknown territory, using an inappropriate approach and in a direction with which even they were apparently ill at ease. Conclusions As the literature review argued, there is no â€Å"one best way† to manage change. Just because an approach was deemed appropriate and worked over a period of time does not mean it will work in all situations or for all time (Burnes, 1996). A top-down, planned approach may well be suitable for a stable, public sector bureaucracy, but if a need arises to move the same bureaucracy into the private sector, the same approach is unlikely to work.As Dunphy and Stace (1993, p. 905) remarked: â€Å"Turbulent times demand different responses F F F† Although the privatisation of the PSA is now a past event, the nature of the public sector and whether further elements of it should be privatised, or required to become more market-orientated, still form part of the current political agenda in most countries. Consequently, the lessons of the PSA's privatisation are still very relevant to those who make public policy and to those charged with carrying out the changes which such policies require of them. The main lessons are as follows.First, to prepare services for privatisation, or to operate on a more commercial basis, requires both structural and cultural change. As All aire and Firsirotu (1984) showed, to achieve both requires different approaches with different timescales. A similar point was made by Beer and Nohria (2000), cited earlier, who call for a combination of Theory E and Theory O approaches to achieve such transformations. To focus on only one of these, as was the case with the PSA, is unlikely to achieve the benefits which policy makers expect, and taxpayers increasingly demand. Organisational change in the public sector 107IJPSM 14,2 108 Second, there is a need to win over staff, or at the very least to address their concerns and fears. A key element in this is the need for policy makers to move beyond basing their decisions mainly on dogma or political creed, and instead, as O'Toole and Jordan (1995, p. 190) recommend, to base them upon â€Å"a rigorous identification of weaknesses and a considered plan to remedy those defects†. As far as the PSA case was concerned, there was never really any attempt to win over staff or, unti l quite late in the process, to address their fears and concerns.The main reason for this was that the PSA's senior managers did not know how to promote a decision based on dogma, one which they had played no part in developing, and over whose consequences they had significant reservations. Third, it should also be noted that the PSA's management themselves did not possess the skills or experience to manage such a change process. Although this was recognised by the provision of consultants to help with the more structural and technical changes, support for the more cultural aspects appears to have been ignored.Therefore, in conclusion, as can be seen, the PSA's privatisation was flawed and, some might consider, ill-conceived in the first place. However, this should not blind us to the important lessons it offers both policy makers and practitioners when considering and managing organisational changes in the public sector. Policy makers rightly require and expect public sector employ ees to provide value for money. In turn, public sector employees have a right to expect policy makers to take decisions, and manage the consequences which flow from these, in such a way that it can be openly seen that value for money is their primary concern.References Allaire, Y. and Firsirotu, M. E. (1984), â€Å"Theories of organizational culture†, Organization Studies, Vol. 5 No. 3, pp. 193-226. Beer, M. and Nohria, N. (2000), â€Å"Cracking the code of change†, Harvard Business Review, May/June, pp. 133-41. Brindle, D. (1999), â€Å"Pensions computer upgrade hit by 1,900 bugs as deadline looms†, The Guardian, 26 January, p. 3. Buchanan, D. A. and Boddy, D. (1992), The Expertise of the Change Agent, Prentice-Hall, London. Buchanan, D. A. and Storey, J. (1997), â€Å"Role-taking and role-switching in organizational change: the four pluralities†, in McLoughlin, I. and Harris, M. Eds), Innovation, Organizational Change and Technology, International Thomp son, London. Burnes, B. (1996), â€Å"No such thing as a `one best way' to manage organisational change†, Management Decision, Vol. 34 No. 10, pp. 11-18. Burnes, B. (2000), Managing Change, 3rd ed. , Prentice-Hall, Harlow. Burnes, B. and Coram, R. (1999), â€Å"Barriers to partnership in the public sector: the case of the UK construction industry†, Supply Chain Management, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp. 43-50. Burnes, B. and Salauroo, M. (1995), â€Å"The impact of new customer-supplier relationships on mergers within the NHS†, Journal of Management in Medicine, Vol. No. 2, pp. 14-29. Chapman, L. (1978), Your Disobedient Servant, Chatto & Windus, London. Collins, D. (1998), Organizational Change, Routledge, London. Crouch, C. and Streeck, W. (Eds) (1997), Political Economy of Modern Capitalism, Sage, London. Cummings, T. G. and Worley, C. G. (1997), Organization Development and Change, 6th ed. , South-Western College Publishing, Cincinnati, OH. Dawson, P. (1994), Organizatio nal Change: A Processual Approach, Paul Chapman Publishing, London. Denzin, N. K. and Lincoln, Y. S. (Eds) (1998), Strategies for Qualitative Enquiry, Sage, London. Dunphy, D. D. and Stace, D. A. 1992), Under New Management: Australian Organizations in Transition, McGraw-Hill, Roseville. Dunphy, D. D. and Stace, D. A. (1993), â€Å"The strategic management of corporate change†, Human Relations, Vol. 46 No. 8, pp. 905-18. Ferlie, E. , Ashburner, L. , Fitzgerald, L. and Pettigrew, A. (1996), The New Public Sector in Action, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Flynn, N. (1993), Public Sector Management, Harvester-Wheatsheaf, London. Flynn, R. and Williams, G. (Eds) (1997), Contracting for Health, OUP, Oxford. French, W. L. and Bell, C. H. (1995), Organization Development, 5th ed. , Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ.Fulton, The Lord (1968), The Civil Service: Report of the Committee, Cmnd 3638, HMSO, London. Garvin, D. A. (1993), â€Å"Building a learning organization†, Har vard Business Review, July/August, pp. 78-91. Grundy, T. (1993), Managing Strategic Change, Kogan Page, London. Harris, P. R. (1985), Management in Transition, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA. Hatch, M. J. (1997), Organization Theory: Modern, Symbolic and Postmodern Perspectives, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Hendry, C. (1996), â€Å"Understanding and creating whole organizational change through learning theory†, Human Relations, Vol. 48 No. 5, pp. 621-41. Horton, S. 1996), â€Å"The Civil Service†, in Farnham, D. and Horton, S. (Eds), Managing the New Public Services, 2nd ed. , Macmillan, Basingstoke. Kanter, R. M. , Stein, B. A. and Jick, T. D. (1992), The Challenge of Organizational Change, Free Press, New York, NY. Kotter, J. P. (1996), Leading Change, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, MA. Lewin, K. (1947), â€Å"Frontiers in group dynamics†, in Cartwright, D. (Ed. ) (1952), Field Theory in Social Science, Social Science Paperbacks, London. Mabey, C. and Mayon-White, B. (1993), Managing Change, 2nd ed. , The Open University/ Paul Chapman Publishing, London. Miller, D. and Friesen, P.H. (1984), Organizations: A Quantum View, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ. NAO (1995), Interim Report: PSA Services, The Sale of PSA Projects, Report by the National Audit Office, HMSO, London. NAO (1996), PSA Service: The Transfer of PSA Building Management to the Private Sector, Report by the National Audit Office, HMSO, London. Nonaka, I. (1988), â€Å"Creating organizational order out of chaos: self-renewal in Japanese firms†, Harvard Business Review, November-December, pp. 96-104. O'Toole, B. J. and Jordan, G. (Eds) (1995), Next Steps: Improving Management in Government, Dartmouth, Aldershot. Peters, T. 1989), Thriving on Chaos, Pan, London. Pettigrew, A. M. (1985), The Awakening Giant: Continuity and Change at ICI, Blackwell, Oxford. Organisational change in the public sector 109 IJPSM 14,2 110 Pettigrew, A. M. , Ferlie, E. and McKee , L. (1992), Shaping Strategic Change, Sage, London. Pfeffer, J. (1981), Power in Organizations, Pitman, Cambridge, MA. Pfeffer, J. (1992), Managing with Power: Politics and Influence in Organizations, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, MA. Plowdon, The Lord (1961), Control of Public Expenditure, Cmnd 1432, HMSO, London. PSA (1988), PSA Annual Report 1987-88, HMSO, London. Robson, C. 1993), Real World Research, Blackwell, Oxford. Salauroo, M. and Burnes, B. (1998), â€Å"The impact of a market system on the public sector: a study of organisational change in the NHS†, The International Journal of Public Sector Management, Vol. 11 No. 6, pp. 451-67. Schein, E. H. (1985), Organizational Culture and Leadership: A Dynamic View, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA. Senior, B. (1997), Organisational Change, Pitman, London. Smith, S. (Ed. ) (1997), Create That Change! , Kogan Page, London. Stace, D. A. and Dunphy, D. D. (1994), Beyond the Boundaries: Leading and Re-creating the Succes sful Enterprise, McGraw-Hill, Sydney.Stacey, R. (1993), Strategic Management and Organisational Dynamics, Pitman, London. Stickland, F. (1998), The Dynamics of Change: Insights into Organisational Transition from the Natural World, Routledge, London. Storey, J. (1992), Developments in the Management of Human Resources, Blackwell, Oxford. Wilson, D. C. (1992), A Strategy of Change, Routledge, London. Wooten, K. C. and White, L. P. (1999), â€Å"Linking OD's philosophy with justice theory: postmodern implications†, Journal of Organizational Change Management, Vol. 12 No. 1, pp. 7-20. Yin, R. K. (1994), Case Study Research: Design and Methods, Sage, London.

Psychology in a Prayer for Owen Meany Essay

Thoroughly leading up until the climactic ending in A Prayer For Owen Meany, John Irving explains to his readers just how important it is to Owen Meany to fulfill his duties and obligations to God. Like a hobbit traveling to Mt. Doom in Mordor, he is determined and dedicated more than anyone in the novel to achieve his goals, despite his responsibilities and, what should be, his major concerns in his life. Owen completely envelopes himself in the fact that he is an instrument used by God, and doesn’t even stop to think to realize and remember his loved ones, whom are Hester, his love struck girlfriend, and John, his best friend who has been with him through thick and thin ever since they were children. It is bittersweet, I suppose, about the choices he ultimately ends up making until the end. On one hand he will miss out on the opportunities he can easily obtain through attending Harvard and making a life for himself with his most important people by his side (Hester and John); on the other hand, however, by choosing to follow God’s calling for his life, he will conclusively act upon the happening that impacts the ending of the novel altogether. Owen, as one finds out throughout the novel, is excessively brilliant, surpassing the intelligence of other people his age by far. Tabitha Wheelwright acknowledges this special gift in Owen insisting that he attend Gravesend Academy, where his brilliance be put to good use. It turns out that it was, for Owen ends up being the best student at the Academy, which almost guarantees him the ability to attend Harvard to now receive the best college education possible, but certain setbacks keep him from doing so. His careless mistake of getting caught making fake IDs for other students opens the door for the principle to seize at the opportunity to expel Owen, which severely hurts his chances to get into any worthwhile colleges. But with this, Owen understands that his purpose must lie elsewhere, because nothing happens for no reason. Even before this incident occurs, he knows his death will be undeniable for it is a part of God’s plan for him, and that â€Å"the shot† is involved in this future incident. Owen’s responsibilities to his education is nothing, however, compared to the conflicting feelings Hester and John feel about Owen’s prophecies and predictions about his death. â€Å"Owen knows that he must sacrifice his life to save others, both physically and spiritually (Rosefeldt, 1). Following this, he joins the army to go to Vietnam in an attempt to seal his fate as he believes God wants him to do. Hester practically resents Owen for his stubbornness in doing this, placing that as more important, his passion, in front of her, his implied â€Å"responsibility. † After his death, Hester becomes a hard rock sex icon in the music world in a ways to cope, and John completely unaware how he will now live his life, for Owen was always such a compass in his life, that he feels helpless without him. Owen’s obsession with his passion has completely blinded him to the fact that his responsibilities, the ones that care about him the most, need him the most, but even with them he puts his God given goals first, as always. Lastly, toward the end of the novel, Owen’s only, and I mean that literally, thing on his mind, is fulfilling his purpose, which he ends up doing in the chapter â€Å"the shot† where he sacrifices himself, as Jesus Christ did for the world, for the sake of the Vietnamese orphan children. â€Å"When Owen Meany said ‘READY? ’ I figured we had about two seconds left to live. But he soared far above my arms-when I lifted him, he soared even higher than usual; he wasn’t taking any chances. He went straight up, never turning to face me, and instead of merely dropping the grenade and leaving it on the window ledge, he caught hold of the ledge with both hands, pinning the grenade against the ledge and trapping it there safely with his hands and forearms. He wanted to be sure that the grenade couldn’t roll off the ledge and fall back in the room (Irving, 623-624). † Here Owen proves the symbolism for the concept of sacrifice, and just how much of a Christ-like figure he is, practically mirroring Christ’s life. From the mysterious secret revealed that Owen is actually from a virgin birth, to the sacrifice he makes for the sake of others, this mirror image is quite apparent. From the start Owen knew he would become a hero for those in need of one, and his lifelong passion for it is finally is proved to be worthwhile in the final chapter. Owen Meany has to be one of the most admirable characters in any novel ever written by the fact that once he sets his mind to something, there is absolutely no changing it by any means. Regardless of his loved ones, he new this is what he had to do, and did not want to disrupt God’s plans that He had for him. He knew being a sacrifice as well as a hero to others was his fate, and he learned long ago fate is not something to be messed with. This also reveals just how similar God and Owen are to each other, and how each other’s lives are identical in almost all means- they are selfless, and just want to prove to others, as well as themselves, tha t their purpose on this earth is put too tremendous use, despite the clashes with the outcome of their responsibilities.

The Position of Greek Women in the Archaic Age

The Position of Greek Women in the Archaic Age Evidence About Greek Women in the Archaic Age As with most areas of ancient history, we can only generalize from limited available material about the place of women in Archaic Greece. Most evidence is literary, coming from men, who naturally didnt know what it was like to live as a woman. Some of the poets, notably Hesiod and Semonides, appear to be misogynist, seeing the role of woman in the world as little more than a cursed man would be well off without. Evidence from drama and epic frequently presents a stark contrast. Painters and sculptors also portray women in a friendlier manner, while epitaphs show women as much-loved partners and mothers. In Homeric society, the goddesses were just as powerful and important as the gods. Could the poets have envisioned strong-willed and aggressive women if there were none in real life? Hesiod on Women in Ancient Greece Hesiod, shortly after Homer, saw women as a curse sprung from the first female whom we call Pandora. Her name means all gifts, and she was a gift to man from an angry Zeus, crafted in Hephaestus forge and cultivated by Athena. Thus, Pandora was not only never born, but her two parents, Hephaestus and Athena, had never been conceived by sexual union. Pandora (hence, woman) was unnatural. Famous Greek Women in the Archaic Age From Hesiod until the Persian War (which marked the end of the Archaic Age), only a few womens exploits were recorded. Best known is the poet and teacher from Lesbos, Sappho. Corinna of Tanagra is thought to have defeated the great Pindar in verse competition five times. When the husband of Artemisia of Halicarnassus died, she assumed his place as a tyrant and joined the expedition of the Persians led by Xerxes against Greece. A bounty was offered by the Greeks for her head. Archaic Age Women in Ancient Athens Most of the evidence about women in this time comes from Athens, like the influential Aspasia in the time of Pericles. Women were needed to help run the oikos home where she would cook, spin, weave, manage servants and raise the children. Chores, like fetching water and going to market, were done by a servant if the family could afford it. Higher class women were expected to have a chaperone accompany them when they left the house. Among the middle class, at least in Athens, women were a liability. Occupations of Archaic Age Greek Women Priestesses and prostitutes were exceptions to the generally low status of Archaic Age Greek women. Some wielded significant power. Indeed, the most influential Greek person of either sex was probably the priestess of Apollo at Delphi. Spartan women may have owned property, and some inscriptions show that Greek tradeswomen operated stalls and laundries. Marriage and Family Roles in Archaic Greece If a family had a daughter, they needed to raise a substantial sum to pay the dowry to her husband. If there was no son, the daughter passed her fathers inheritance to her spouse, for which reason she would be married to a close male relative like a cousin or uncle. Normally, she was married a few years after puberty to a man much older than herself. Main Source Frank J. Frosts Greek Society (Fifth Edition).

Colonial Democratic Ties essays

Colonial Democratic Ties essays English colonies, often established for the soul purpose of expanding the kingdoms of their monarchs, spurred the beginning of American democracy ruled by the majority of the people. Democratic characteristics were augmented by the will of the people, in such places as Virginia and Massachusetts, to gain freedom from a single monarchist. Although there was evidence of an early democracy, the chains of the King that held the colonies together were not completely broken. The British colonies first indication of any legislature was in the Virginian colony of Jamestown. A group of men, usually over the age of 17, congregate at a church to discuss the political and economic issues of Jamestown. This assembly of men, named the House of Burgesses, was substantiation of an early representative government. There was a governor of the House of Burgesses that was elected by leaders of The Virginia Company in London, England. The governor then selected six supporting members that were important men in the colony to be his council. The other 15 members were assembled through the voting by the people of the Jamestown Colony as a whole. The Plymouth Colony, often called Americas Birthplace of Democracy, was not the first British colony, but it was one of the most significant. The Mayflower Compact, a written document signed by the pilgrims, pledged allegiance to the king of England but also established that the colony would govern by the will of the people, or the majority. This clearly shows that Plymouth was ran democratically. Democratic influence were definitely present in early English colonial society, but because the king of England ruled with the proverbial iron fist, there was an abstention from becoming a true democracy. Although such contractual agreements, such as the Mayflower Compact, and forms of legislation, like the House of Burgesses, had substantial qualities of a gov ...

Caesar Augustus Essay

It was the mid-1st century B. C. E. , Rome was ever-growing and the republic that once ran very smoothly was encountering many problems within itself. Wealthy land owners or patricians were gaining too much power and land and since Roman law read that only land owners could serve in the military much of the military power was reduced. Some people tried to change this, for example Tiberius, but his ideas were seen as controversial and he was assassinated in 133 B. C. E. One man named General Marius instituted a law stating that men didn’t have to own land to serve in the military. Soldiers still wanted land in return for their service though, and the general gave them land but this made soldiers more loyal to army officials rather than to the senate. After Marius retired Rome experienced a brief time of peace only to be broken by the Social War. The Social War was caused by the revolting of lower class Italians that were not entitled to full-citizenship and voting rights. This caused General Marius to come back. He ended the war and seized power of Rome. Marius died of old age and Rome started to become restless. In all of the turmoil there arose a powerful politician, Julius Caesar. Caesar created the First Triumvirate (three men) consisting of Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey (also known as Magnus). The Triumvirate really only made these men more powerful though and really didn’t help Rome overall. The Triumvirate disappeared when Crassus died and Caesar and Pompey started to fight. Caesar invaded Rome in 49 B. C. E. and became a dictator there. Then later Pompey was murdered in Egypt in 48 B. C. E. Julius increased the senate from 600 to 900 members to give himself more supporters. In five years Caesar held many powerful offices and almost succeeded in transforming Rome into an empire but was assassinated on the Ides of March in 44 B. C. E. Many wars took place after the assassination of Julius Caesar. His adopted son, Octavian, and his friend both formed the Second Triumvirate and defeated Caesars assassins in the Battle of Philippi. Many senators were killed during this time and it was not a good time for the republic. Eventually the Second Triumvirate dissipated and Octavian and Mark Antony turned on one another. Mark Antony married Cleopatra of Egypt and they committed suicide when Octavian invaded Egypt. Octavian became Augustus (exalted one) and now unofficially ruled Rome. Augustus knew that in order to successfully transform Rome into an empire he had to succeed where his father hadn’t. He supported the arts and technology. He rebuilt temples and created road systems. He pleased his people with holidays and special events. Augustus would even give free bread and wine to all of Rome’s citizens. The senate just had to sit and watch as Caesar Augustus became the total dictator of Rome. Literature grew exceedingly during this time. Under Augustus’ rule Rome entered the Pax Romana, the peaceful and golden age of Rome. So in the end Augustus obviously succeeded in the areas where Julius didn’t. Julius didn’t utilize his resources as well and didn’t realize that he needed to take away the senate’s power not enhance it. Augustus extended Rome to a great power and eventually fully ended the once-renowned republic. In a completely unnecessary comparison this story totally reminded me of the movie Star Wars, the fall of the republic and the birth of an empire. Anyways in conclusion, Augustus transformed Rome into an empire by gaining the loyalty of the citizens and soldiers while the senate lost its power. This man was so dominant that he even named the month of August after himself! Not many could have accomplished what Caesar Augustus did and many still marvel at his feats to this day. Caesar Augustus Essay It was the mid-1st century B. C. E. , Rome was ever-growing and the republic that once ran very smoothly was encountering many problems within itself. Wealthy land owners or patricians were gaining too much power and land and since Roman law read that only land owners could serve in the military much of the military power was reduced. Some people tried to change this, for example Tiberius, but his ideas were seen as controversial and he was assassinated in 133 B. C. E. One man named General Marius instituted a law stating that men didn’t have to own land to serve in the military. Soldiers still wanted land in return for their service though, and the general gave them land but this made soldiers more loyal to army officials rather than to the senate. After Marius retired Rome experienced a brief time of peace only to be broken by the Social War. The Social War was caused by the revolting of lower class Italians that were not entitled to full-citizenship and voting rights. This caused General Marius to come back. He ended the war and seized power of Rome. Marius died of old age and Rome started to become restless. In all of the turmoil there arose a powerful politician, Julius Caesar. Caesar created the First Triumvirate (three men) consisting of Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey (also known as Magnus). The Triumvirate really only made these men more powerful though and really didn’t help Rome overall. The Triumvirate disappeared when Crassus died and Caesar and Pompey started to fight. Caesar invaded Rome in 49 B. C. E. and became a dictator there. Then later Pompey was murdered in Egypt in 48 B. C. E. Julius increased the senate from 600 to 900 members to give himself more supporters. In five years Caesar held many powerful offices and almost succeeded in transforming Rome into an empire but was assassinated on the Ides of March in 44 B. C. E. Many wars took place after the assassination of Julius Caesar. His adopted son, Octavian, and his friend both formed the Second Triumvirate and defeated Caesars assassins in the Battle of Philippi. Many senators were killed during this time and it was not a good time for the republic. Eventually the Second Triumvirate dissipated and Octavian and Mark Antony turned on one another. Mark Antony married Cleopatra of Egypt and they committed suicide when Octavian invaded Egypt. Octavian became Augustus (exalted one) and now unofficially ruled Rome. Augustus knew that in order to successfully transform Rome into an empire he had to succeed where his father hadn’t. He supported the arts and technology. He rebuilt temples and created road systems. He pleased his people with holidays and special events. Augustus would even give free bread and wine to all of Rome’s citizens. The senate just had to sit and watch as Caesar Augustus became the total dictator of Rome. Literature grew exceedingly during this time. Under Augustus’ rule Rome entered the Pax Romana, the peaceful and golden age of Rome. So in the end Augustus obviously succeeded in the areas where Julius didn’t. Julius didn’t utilize his resources as well and didn’t realize that he needed to take away the senate’s power not enhance it. Augustus extended Rome to a great power and eventually fully ended the once-renowned republic. In a completely unnecessary comparison this story totally reminded me of the movie Star Wars, the fall of the republic and the birth of an empire. Anyways in conclusion, Augustus transformed Rome into an empire by gaining the loyalty of the citizens and soldiers while the senate lost its power. This man was so dominant that he even named the month of August after himself! Not many could have accomplished what Caesar Augustus did and many still marvel at his feats to this day.

Positive Impacts of Free Trade on Economic Development Essay

Positive Impacts of Free Trade on Economic Development - Essay Example Free trade is particularly vital in aligning a country’s economy with the global partners. It is worth noting that countries which had initially centralized their economy lost many years of enormous benefits due to their politically driven isolation from the market economies. Today, they have aspired to tap into the benefits of joining the trading global system. However, active involvements in international trade present potential or associated risks. This is caused by active participation in global markets that are characterized by stiff competition. For instance, a country risks shutting down upcoming industries - those that are less competitive or adaptable - owing to the stiff competition presented by free trade. This is the greatest risk of free trade and has to be looked into carefully before opening up borders for free commerce (Sen., 2004). In addition to this, free trade encourages overdependence on foreign suppliers. This is unacceptable especially when dealing with sensitive supplies or those that play a crucial role in the country’s economy. A good example is supply of food commodities where many nations prefer stabilizing their food security supply so as to avoid crisis in the event of uncertainties such as war or shortage in the supplying nation. Although many countries have opted to have free trade, economists from developing countries argue that newly developed industries ought to be protected until a stage that they are less vulnerable to global competition. Therefore, some governments do so by opting to reduce the amount of imports or prohibit imports at all through trade barriers such as quotas. Additionally, imposing tariffs on imports makes it expensive hence imported...This paper offers a thorough review of numerous contributions of free trade to the economic development of countries. As it is shown in the essay, free trade contributes positively to economic growth and should be encouraged by all nations. In the last few decades trade has undergone transformation from the ancient traditional trading with goods for goods to modern exchange of goods and services for cash. Free trade can be defined as the cross boundary exchange of goods and services without government restrictions, taxes and tariffs. Every nation can find its own place in international labor division. Therefore, every country need to identify their path of supply based on her viable advantages, intensify it and make it the heart of their economic survival and progress. It is important to note that the cost and benefits of global trade is dependent on the magnitude of a nation’s domestic consumption. It is also dependent on the amount of natural resources at its disposal and the ease to tap such resources. The advantages free trade brings are, as follows. First, free trade encourages the theory of comparative advantage through specialization in goods that can be produced more efficiently. Secondly, reducing tariff barriers encourages development of trade. Thirdly, free trade encourages increased exports which are beneficial for domestic producers. Fourthly, free trade gives countries an opportunity to benefit from economies of scale. Finally, international trade enhances increased completion among nations.